Personal Health

Ozempic coverage prompts stark internal schism among Republicans

Editor's note: This headline has been updated.

Anyone who watches MSNBC or CNN frequently has likely seen some commercials for Ozempic, a weight loss drug. Pharma companies do a lot of advertising on cable news, and Ozempic commercials have been plentiful.

According to Semafor's Kadia Goba, a major debate among Republicans involves Ozempic and other weight loss drugs.

Republicans, Goba reports in an article published on December 6, are "divided" on whether or not the federal government should "expand coverage of" Ozempic and other drugs aimed at weight loss.

READ MORE: Why this Dem senator is 'considering voting yes on DeSantis' to replace Hegseth

Goba notes that Dr. Mehmet Oz, who Trump has nominated to head the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, has "openly promoted Ozempic" — while anti-vaxxer conspiracy theorist Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has been on an "anti-Ozempic crusade." Kennedy is Trump's nominee to lead the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS).

"(President-elect Donald) Trump will have the power to scrap the Biden Administration's plans for anti-obesity medication after he takes office without formal input from the Hill," Goba explains, "but congressional Republicans will likely want their say on the issue. That requires them to reconcile their own internal argument over whether to reject new federal cash for the drugs or agree to short-term spending in the hopes of reducing the long-term cost of obesity-related illnesses."

Rep. Brad Wenstrup (R-Ohio), a co-chair of the GOP Doctors Caucus, is among the Republicans who favors coverage of weight-loss drugs.

Wenstrup told Semafor, " If you want to fight obesity and you have a tool that seems to be working, do it — but closely monitored."

READ MORE: Experts worry RFK Jr’s role in a Trump administration will 'erode' the 'nation’s health'

Read Semafor's full article at this link.


Missouri voters enshrined abortion rights. GOP lawmakers are already working to roll them back

ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for The Big Story newsletter to receive stories like this one in your inbox.

One month after Missouri voters approved a constitutional amendment guaranteeing the right to abortion, Republican lawmakers in the deeply red state are already working to overturn it — or at least undermine it.

One measure would ask voters to amend the state constitution to define life as beginning at conception, declaring that embryos are people with rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

The result would be to classify abortion as an unlawful killing.

Another proposal, aimed at repealing the abortion rights amendment, would ask voters to ban gender transition procedures for minors, tying the two issues together, despite the fact that the amendment did not address gender surgery and gender-affirming care for transgender children is already illegal in Missouri.

Other proposed amendments include stricter abortion limits, such as restricting access to cases of rape, incest, medical emergencies and fetal anomalies. These measures would impose additional requirements, such as mandating that rape survivors file police reports to obtain an abortion.

GOP lawmakers have also introduced a measure to raise the threshold for amending the state constitution through voter initiatives, which could make it harder to pass similar measures in the future.

The legislative moves follow the Nov. 5 election, in which the amendment to put abortion rights in the state constitution won by a 51.6%-48.4% margin. Starting Thursday, the right to abortion will be constitutionally guaranteed up to the point of fetal viability, while restrictions on post-viability abortions will remain in place.

In other states where voters approved abortion rights measures last month, there were no signs yet that lawmakers would also try to counter those measures.

Even before votes in Missouri had been counted, proponents of Amendment 3, as the measure was called, had anticipated that a victory would be met with efforts to somehow undercut abortion rights.

“These people will continue to rail against abortion,” said state Rep. Deb Lavender, a Democrat from the St. Louis suburbs.

Although Missouri already has a law recognizing life as beginning at conception, stating that unborn children have “protectable interests in life, health, and well-being,” the proposed constitutional amendment would go further. It would effectively elevate this principle to the state constitution and potentially complicate not only abortion rights but the legality of in vitro fertilization and the handling of embryos.

Several states have laws recognizing fetal personhood, but Missouri would be the second — after Alabama — to enshrine it in its constitution. That could create legal and ideological confusion or even conflicts, experts say.

“You could see voters saying, ‘I support a right to abortion,’ but also saying, ‘Life begins at conception,’ without understanding that you can’t have both of those things at the same time,” said Jamille Fields Allsbrook, a professor at St. Louis University School of Law and a former policy analyst for Planned Parenthood Federation of America.

The author of one of the personhood measures, Rep. Justin Sparks, a Republican from the St. Louis suburbs, said he was emboldened by the narrow margin of the abortion rights vote.

“A clear mandate has not been achieved,” he said. While the amendment had strong support in metro St. Louis and Kansas City and in the county that’s home to the University of Missouri, “the vast majority of the rest of the state voted in a different direction,” he added. “So I think it’s fair to again bring the question up.”

But state Sen. Tracy McCreery, a Democrat also from the St. Louis suburbs, noted that Sparks was going against the will of voters in the St. Louis area. “I find that even more disrespectful of the voters,” she said. “It wasn’t just voters that tend to vote Democratic that voted yes on Amendment 3. It was also Republican voters and independent voters, and I think that’s getting lost in this discussion.”

The measure to link abortion and transgender rights reflects the campaign before the election, when abortion opponents conflated these topics. Critics said this strategy seeks to distract from abortion rights, which had strong voter support, by capitalizing on voter discomfort with transgender issues.

While GOP lawmakers push these measures, the legal landscape around abortion in Missouri is already shifting. On Wednesday, a Jackson County Circuit Court heard arguments in a lawsuit brought by Planned Parenthood and the American Civil Liberties Union of Missouri that seeks to strike down Missouri’s near-total abortion ban and other laws that regulate abortion. The lawsuit followed the passage of Amendment 3. Planned Parenthood said if it wins in court it plans to resume abortion services in St. Louis, Kansas City and Columbia on Friday.

Missouri Attorney General Andrew Bailey has acknowledged that the amendment will legalize most abortions when it goes into effect, but he has said he intends to enforce remaining restrictions, such as a ban on abortions after fetal viability, a 72-hour waiting period and parental consent for minors.

Lawmakers are also pushing to raise the bar for passing constitutional amendments. Now, a simple majority is enough; that has allowed Missouri voters to bypass the legislature and pass progressive amendments that lawmakers oppose. A new bill would ask voters to pass a constitutional amendment requiring not just a statewide majority but also a majority of voters in five of the state’s eight congressional districts — a change critics argued would give disproportionate power to rural areas over urban voters. It would then be harder for voters to approve measures that don’t align with the priorities of the conservative politicians they tend to elect.

Earlier this year, a similar effort to make it harder to amend the constitution failed after Democrats in the Senate filibustered it.

Sparks criticized the Republican leadership in the General Assembly for allowing the failure, pointing to a Republican supermajority in both houses that could have passed the measure.

“We hold all the power,” Sparks said. “We hold all the procedural levers of power, and we can shut down debate in both houses any time, any day, for any bill we choose to.”

Florida shows how a higher threshold for voter initiatives might play out. In 2006, the state raised the bar for constitutional amendments to 60%. This year, a majority of voters — 57% — supported an abortion rights amendment, an even bigger margin than in Missouri, but not sufficient in Florida.

It’s not clear yet, though, whether any of the measures have enough support in Missouri’s General Assembly.

Lavender said that the campaign supporting abortion rights significantly outraised its opposition during the election. “It’s going to be difficult to overturn,” she said. “You’ll have the same money that supported it now going up against you.”

Here’s what happens to your brain when you give up sugar

Anyone who knows me also knows that I have a huge sweet tooth. I always have. My friend and fellow graduate student Andrew is equally afflicted, and living in Hershey, Pennsylvania – the “Chocolate Capital of the World” – doesn’t help either of us.

But Andrew is braver than I am. Last year, he gave up sweets for Lent. I can’t say that I’m following in his footsteps this year, but if you are abstaining from sweets for Lent this year, here’s what you can expect over the next 40 days.

Sugar: natural reward, unnatural fix

In neuroscience, food is something we call a “natural reward.” In order for us to survive as a species, things like eating, having sex and nurturing others must be pleasurable to the brain so that these behaviours are reinforced and repeated.

Evolution has resulted in the mesolimbic pathway, a brain system that deciphers these natural rewards for us. When we do something pleasurable, a bundle of neurons called the ventral tegmental area uses the neurotransmitter dopamine to signal to a part of the brain called the nucleus accumbens. The connection between the nucleus accumbens and our prefrontal cortex dictates our motor movement, such as deciding whether or not to taking another bite of that delicious chocolate cake. The prefrontal cortex also activates hormones that tell our body: “Hey, this cake is really good. And I’m going to remember that for the future.”

Not all foods are equally rewarding, of course. Most of us prefer sweets over sour and bitter foods because, evolutionarily, our mesolimbic pathway reinforces that sweet things provide a healthy source of carbohydrates for our bodies. When our ancestors went scavenging for berries, for example, sour meant “not yet ripe,” while bitter meant “alert – poison!”

Fruit is one thing, but modern diets have taken on a life of their own. A decade ago, it was estimated that the average American consumed 22 teaspoons of added sugar per day, amounting to an extra 350 calories; it may well have risen since then. A few months ago, one expert suggested that the average Briton consumes 238 teaspoons of sugar each week.

Today, with convenience more important than ever in our food selections, it’s almost impossible to come across processed and prepared foods that don’t have added sugars for flavour, preservation, or both.

These added sugars are sneaky – and unbeknown to many of us, we’ve become hooked. In ways that drugs of abuse – such as nicotine, cocaine and heroin – hijack the brain’s reward pathway and make users dependent, increasing neuro-chemical and behavioural evidence suggests that sugar is addictive in the same way, too.

Sugar addiction is real

“The first few days are a little rough,” Andrew told me about his sugar-free adventure last year. “It almost feels like you’re detoxing from drugs. I found myself eating a lot of carbs to compensate for the lack of sugar.”

There are four major components of addiction: bingeing, withdrawal, craving, and cross-sensitisation (the notion that one addictive substance predisposes someone to becoming addicted to another). All of these components have been observed in animal models of addiction – for sugar, as well as drugs of abuse.

A typical experiment goes like this: rats are deprived of food for 12 hours each day, then given 12 hours of access to a sugary solution and regular chow. After a month of following this daily pattern, rats display behaviours similar to those on drugs of abuse. They’ll binge on the sugar solution in a short period of time, much more than their regular food. They also show signs of anxiety and depression during the food deprivation period. Many sugar-treated rats who are later exposed to drugs, such as cocaine and opiates, demonstrate dependent behaviours towards the drugs compared to rats who did not consume sugar beforehand.

Like drugs, sugar spikes dopamine release in the nucleus accumbens. Over the long term, regular sugar consumption actually changes the gene expression and availability of dopamine receptors in both the midbrain and frontal cortex. Specifically, sugar increases the concentration of a type of excitatory receptor called D1, but decreases another receptor type called D2, which is inhibitory. Regular sugar consumption also inhibits the action of the dopamine transporter, a protein which pumps dopamine out of the synapse and back into the neuron after firing.

In short, this means that repeated access to sugar over time leads to prolonged dopamine signalling, greater excitation of the brain’s reward pathways and a need for even more sugar to activate all of the midbrain dopamine receptors like before. The brain becomes tolerant to sugar – and more is needed to attain the same “sugar high.”

Sugar withdrawal is also real

Although these studies were conducted in rodents, it’s not far-fetched to say that the same primitive processes are occurring in the human brain, too. “The cravings never stopped, [but that was] probably psychological,” Andrew told me. “But it got easier after the first week or so.”

In a 2002 study by Carlo Colantuoni and colleagues of Princeton University, rats who had undergone a typical sugar dependence protocol then underwent “sugar withdrawal.” This was facilitated by either food deprivation or treatment with naloxone, a drug used for treating opiate addiction which binds to receptors in the brain’s reward system. Both withdrawal methods led to physical problems, including teeth chattering, paw tremors, and head shaking. Naloxone treatment also appeared to make the rats more anxious, as they spent less time on an elevated apparatus that lacked walls on either side.

Similar withdrawal experiments by others also report behaviour similar to depression in tasks such as the forced swim test. Rats in sugar withdrawal are more likely to show passive behaviours (like floating) than active behaviours (like trying to escape) when placed in water, suggesting feelings of helplessness.

A new study published by Victor Mangabeira and colleagues in this month’s Physiology & Behavior reports that sugar withdrawal is also linked to impulsive behaviour. Initially, rats were trained to receive water by pushing a lever. After training, the animals returned to their home cages and had access to a sugar solution and water, or just water alone. After 30 days, when rats were again given the opportunity to press a lever for water, those who had become dependent on sugar pressed the lever significantly more times than control animals, suggesting impulsive behaviour.

These are extreme experiments, of course. We humans aren’t depriving ourselves of food for 12 hours and then allowing ourselves to binge on soda and doughnuts at the end of the day. But these rodent studies certainly give us insight into the neuro-chemical underpinnings of sugar dependence, withdrawal, and behaviour.

Through decades of diet programmes and best-selling books, we’ve toyed with the notion of “sugar addiction” for a long time. There are accounts of those in “sugar withdrawal” describing food cravings, which can trigger relapse and impulsive eating. There are also countless articles and books about the boundless energy and new-found happiness in those who have sworn off sugar for good. But despite the ubiquity of sugar in our diets, the notion of sugar addiction is still a rather taboo topic.

Are you still motivated to give up sugar for Lent? You might wonder how long it will take until you’re free of cravings and side-effects, but there’s no answer – everyone is different and no human studies have been done on this. But after 40 days, it’s clear that Andrew had overcome the worst, likely even reversing some of his altered dopamine signalling. “I remember eating my first sweet and thinking it was too sweet,” he said. “I had to rebuild my tolerance.”

And as regulars of a local bakery in Hershey – I can assure you, readers, that he has done just that.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article

The 8-hour sleep myth: How I learned that everything I knew about sleep was wrong

I’ve always been at odds with sleep. Starting around adolescence, morning became a special form of hell. Long school commutes meant rising in 6am darkness, then huddling miserably near the bathroom heating vent as I struggled to wrest myself from near-paralysis. The sight of eggs turned my not-yet-wakened stomach, so I scuttled off without breakfast. In fourth grade, my mother noticed that instead of playing outside after school with the other kids, I lay zonked in front of the TV, dozing until dinner. “Lethargy of unknown cause,” pronounced the doctor.

High school trigonometry commenced at 7:50am. I flunked, stupefied with sleepiness. Only when college allowed me to schedule courses in the afternoon did the joy of learning return. My decision to opt for grad school was partly traceable to a horror of returning to the treadmill of too little sleep and exhaustion, which a 9-to-5 job would surely bring.

In my late 20s, I began to wake up often for a couple of hours in the middle of the night – a phenomenon linked to female hormonal shifts. I’ve met these vigils with dread, obsessed with lost sleep and the next day’s dysfunction. Beside my bed I stashed an arsenal of weapons against insomnia: lavender sachets, sleep CDs, and even a stuffed sheep that makes muffled ocean noises. I collected drugstore remedies -- valerian, melatonin, Nytol -- which caused me "rebound insomnia" the moment I stop taking them.

The Sleep Fairy continued to elude me.

I confessed my problem to the doctor, ashamed to fail at something so simple that babies and rodents can do it on a dime. When I asked for Ambien, she cut me a glance that made me feel like a heroin addict and lectured me on the dangers of “controlled substances.” Her offering of “sleep hygiene” bromides like reserving my bedroom solely for sleep was useless to a studio apartment-dweller.

Conventional medical wisdom dropped me at a dead end. Why did I need to use a bedroom for nothing but sleeping when no other mammal had such a requirement? When for most of history, humans didn’t either? Our ancestors crashed with beasties large and small roaming about, bodies tossing and snoring nearby, and temperatures fluctuating wildly. And yet they slept. How on earth did they do it?

A lot differently than we do, it turns out.

The 8-Hour Sleep Myth

Pursuing the truth about sleep means winding your way through a labyrinth of science, consumerism and myth. Researchers have had barely a clue about what constitutes “normal” sleep. Is it how many hours you sleep? A certain amount of time in a particular phase? The pharmaceutical industry recommends drug-induced oblivion, which, it turns out, doesn’t even work. The average time spent sleeping increases by only a few minutes with the use of prescription sleep aids. And -- surprise! -- doctors have linked sleeping pills to cancer. We have memory foam mattresses, sleep clinics, hotel pillow concierges, and countless others strategies to put us to bed. And yet we complain about sleep more than ever.

The blame for modern sleep disorders is usually laid at the doorstep of Thomas Edison, whose electric light bulb turned the night from a time of rest to one of potentially endless activity and work. Proponents of the rising industrial culture further pushed the emphasis of work over rest, and the sense of sleep as lazy indulgence.

But there’s something else, which I learned while engaged in a bout of insomnia-driven Googling. A Feb. 12, 2012 article on the BBC Web site, “The Myth of the 8-Hour Sleep,” has permanently altered the way I think about sleep. It proclaimed something that the body had always intuited, even as the mind floundered helplessly.

Turns out that psychiatrist Thomas Wehr ran an experiment back in the ‘90s in which people were thrust into darkness for 14 hours every day for a month. When their sleep regulated, a strange pattern emerged. They slept first for four hours, then woke for one or two hours before drifting off again into a second four-hour sleep.

Historian Roger Ekirch of Virginia Tech would not have been surprised by this pattern. In 2001, he published a groundbreaking paper based on 16 years of research, which revealed something quite amazing: humans did not evolve to sleep through the night in one solid chunk. Until very recently, they slept in two stages. Shazam.

In his book At Day's Close: Night in Times Past, Ekrich presents over 500 references to these two distinct sleep periods, known as the “first sleep” and the “second sleep,” culled from diaries, court records, medical manuals, anthropological studies, and literature, including The Odyssey. Like an astrolabe pointing to some forgotten star, these accounts referenced a first sleep that began two hours after dusk, followed by waking period of one or two hours and then a second sleep.

This waking period, known in some cultures as the “watch," was filled with everything from bringing in the animals to prayer. Some folks visited neighbors. Others smoked a pipe or analyzed their dreams. Often they lounged in bed to read, chat with bedfellows, or have much more refreshing sex than we modern humans have at bedtime. A 16th-century doctor’s manual prescribed sex after the first sleep as the most enjoyable variety.

But these two sleeps and their magical interim were swept away so completely that by the 20th century, they were all but forgotten.

Historian Craig Koslofsky delves into the causes of this massive shift in human behavior in his new book, Evening's Empire. He points out that before the 17th century, you’d have to be a fool to go wandering around at night, where ne’er-do-wells and cutthroats lurked on pitch-black streets. Only the wealthy had candles, and even they had little need or desire to venture from home at night. Street lighting and other trends gradually changed this, and eventually nighttime became fashionable and hanging out in bed a mark of indolence. The industrial revolution put the exclamation point on this sentence of wakefulness. By the 19th century, health pundits argued in favor of a single, uninterrupted sleep.

We have been told over and over that the eight-hour sleep is ideal. But in many cases, our bodies have been telling us something else. Since our collective memory has been erased, anxiety about nighttime wakefulness has kept us up even longer, and our eight-hour sleep mandate may have made us more prone to stress. The long period of relaxation we used to get after a hard day’s work may have been better for our peace of mind than all the yoga in Manhattan.

After learning this, I went in search of lost sleep.

Past Life Regression

“Even a soul submerged in sleep
is hard at work and helps
make something of the world.”
― Heraclitus, Fragments

What intrigued me most about the sleep research was a feeling of connection to ancient humans and to a realm beyond clock-driven, electrified industrial life, whose endless demands are more punishing than ever. Much as Werner Herzog’s documentary Cave of Forgotten Dreams pulls the viewer into the lives of ancient cave dwellers in southern France who painted the walls with marvelous images, reading about how our ancestors filled their nights with dream reflection, lovemaking and 10-to-12 hour stretches of down-time produced a strange sense of intimacy and wonder.

I’m a writer and editor who works from home, without children, so I’ve had the luxury, for the last couple of weeks, of completely relinquishing myself to a new (or quite old) way of sleeping. I’ve been working at a cognitive shift – looking upon early evening sleepiness as a gift, and plopping into bed if I feel like it. I try to view the wakeful period, if it should come, as a magical, blessed time when my email box stops flooding and the screeching horns outside my New York window subside.

Instead of heading to bed with anxiety, I’ve tried to dive in like a voluptuary, pushing away my guilt about the list of things I could be doing and letting myself become beautifully suspended between worlds. I’ve started dimming the lights a couple of hours after dusk and looking at the nighttime not as a time to pursue endless work, but to daydream, drift, putter about, and enter an almost meditative state.

The books I’ve been reading in the evening hours have been specially chosen as a link to dreamy ruminations of our ancestor’s “watch” period. Volumes like Norman O. Brown’s Love’s Body or Eduardo Galeano’s Mirrors provide the kind of reflective, incantatory experience the nighttime seems made for. Freud’s Interpretation of Dreams would be another excellent choice, and I know from experience that reading it before bedtime triggers the most vivid mental journeys.

In sleep, we slip back to a more primitive state. We go on a psychic archaeological dig. This is part of the reason that Freud proclaimed dreams to be the royal road to the unconscious and lifted his metaphors from the researchers who were sifting through the layers of ancient history on Egyptian digs, uncovering relics and forgotten memories. Ghosts flutter about us when we lie down to rest. Our waking identities dissolve, and we become creatures whose rhythms derive from the moon and the seas much more than the clock and the computer.

As we learn more, we may realize that giving sleep and rest the center stage in our lives may be as fundamental to our well-being as the way we eat and the medicines that cure us. And if we come to treasure this time of splendid relaxation, we may have much more to offer in the daytime hours.

NOW READ: Why are we so sleep deprived — and why does it matter?

'Trump did this': SCOTUS blocks Biden emergency abortion mandate in Texas

On the first day of its new term, the U.S. Supreme Court in an unsigned opinion upheld a lower court ruling that enforces Texas’ ban on certain emergency abortions. The Biden administration had sought to overturn the ban and enforce its policy requiring hospitals to perform the emergency, potentially life-saving procedures. The Court declined, allowing the Texas law, one of the strictest in the nation, to remain in effect.

The Biden administration had argued “that hospitals have to perform abortions in emergency situations under federal law. The administration pointed to the Supreme Court’s action in a similar case from Idaho earlier this year in which the justices narrowly allowed emergency abortions to resume while a lawsuit continues,” the Associated Press reports. “Doctors have said the [Texas] law remains dangerously vague after a medical board refused to specify exactly which conditions qualify for the exception.”

“Pregnancy terminations have long been part of medical treatment for patients with serious complications, as [a] way to to [sic] prevent sepsis, organ failure and other major problems,” the AP added. “But in Texas and other states with strict abortion bans, doctors and hospitals have said it is not clear whether those terminations could run afoul of abortion bans that carry the possibility of prison time.”

Critics are blasting Donald Trump, who has repeatedly bragged he killed Roe v. Wade, the landmark 1973 decision that found a constitutional right to abortion. That ruling was overturned in 2022 by the Supreme Court in a 6-3 decision. Trump put on the Court three conservative justices after vowing to pick justices who would end Roe.

“Trump did this. These are his hand-picked justices,” charged former Fox News and CNBC contributor Julie Roginsky Monday morning after the Court’s ruling in the Texas case.

“Thanks to Trump overturning Roe, the Supreme Court just issued a ruling that woman bleeding out from a miscarriage or stroking out from pre-eclampsia can die on the ER table in Texas,” noted Democratic communications strategist Laura Chapin, adding: “Trump’s Republican Party wants women to die.”

“Trump’s Supreme Court just signed a death warrant for more Texas women,” warned Dem Socratic strategistAdam Parkhomenko.

Leigh McGowan, who runs the popular PoliticsGirl podcast, wrote: “SCOTUS confirms it’s the state’s right to let women die.

Neera Tanden, Director of the White House Domestic Policy Council responded to the AP report: “Let’s be clear that this means women’s lives take a back seat in Texas.”

'Hellscape': Women increasingly charged with pregnancy-related crimes after Roe’s end

Women are increasingly being charged with pregnancy-related crimes since the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2022 decision overturning Roe v. Wade, the landmark 1973 ruling that had found a constitutional right to abortion. Abortion bans are playing a role.

A new study, “Pregnancy As a Crime: A Preliminary Report on the First Year After Dobbs,” found 210 cases of pregnancy-related crimes were charged in the first year since the Dobbs decision, the Supreme Court ruling that rescinded the constitutional right to abortion. That is the largest number of cases in any 12-month period since the year Roe v. Wade was decided.

“Most of the cases identified were in just two states: Alabama and Oklahoma,” according to the Associated Press. Essentially half of all cases (104) were charged in just one state: Alabama. Oklahoma ranked second with 68.

“Wendy Bach, a professor at the University of Tennessee College of Law and one of the lead researchers on the project, said one of the cases was when a woman delivered a stillborn baby at her home about six or seven months into pregnancy,” the AP reports. “Bach said that when the woman went to make funeral arrangements, the funeral home alerted authorities and the woman was charged with homicide.”

READ MORE: Trump and Vance Face Criminal Charges Over ‘Pet-Eating’ Lies

Mary Ruth Ziegler, a legal historian focusing on abortion at University of California Davis School of Law, told CNN, “Prosecutions of pregnant women for conduct during pregnancy didn’t start with the anti-abortion movement, but they definitely accelerated with the anti-abortion movement.”

Lourdes Rivera, president of Pregnancy Justice, the nonprofit organization that released the study, told the AP, “It’s an environment where pregnancy loss is potentially criminally suspect.”

Rivera, speaking to Jezebel, “said the report’s findings reflect how ‘post-Dobbs, abortion bans have created a chilling effect, an environment for law enforcement to misapply existing criminal laws and the ideology of fetal personhood’ to wrongly criminalize a range of legal behaviors from pregnant people.”

Earlier this year the Republican National Committee released its first new platform in eight years. Some media reports claimed it was “softening” on abortion, and some far-right activists blasted the RNC for that stance. But the new platform included language paving the way for what some call fetal personhood, the belief that human life begins at conception and therefore a fertilized egg is immediately conferred the same civil rights as every other person in America.

CNN reports fetal personhood “is at the root of many of the allegations” examined in the Pregnancy Justice report.

“The goal was not just to have these individual people go to prison, it was meant to set a precedent about what fetal rights look like,” Ziegler said. “So going for the easiest target made sense.”

CNN adds that “the data from June 2022 to June 2023 shows that the vast majority of pregnancy-related charges alleged substance use during pregnancy, according to the new report from Pregnancy Justice. In more than half of the cases, substance use was the only allegation made against the defendant.”

The vast majority of the defendants were low income, and proof that the fetus was actually harmed was not required for most of the 210 charges.

“About half of cases were in Alabama, where residents voted in 2018 to amend the Constitution to include protections for unborn life and where the state Supreme Court ruled in February that frozen embryos are children and those who destroy them can be held liable for wrongful death,” CNN noted.

READ MORE: Trump in Georgia Goes Off-Script, Appears to Call for Assault Weapons Ban

“The People of Alabama have declared the public policy of this State to be that unborn human life is sacred,” Chief Justice Tom Parker wrote in his concurring opinion earlier this year. “We believe that each human being, from the moment of conception, is made in the image of God, created by Him to reflect His likeness.”

Pregnancy Justice on social media explained that after the Dobbs decision, “State actors are emboldened, putting pregnant people under INCREASED surveillance and making a dire situation even worse.”

Dr. Norman Ornstein, a political scientist, senior fellow emeritus at the American Enterprise Institute, and contributing editor for the Atlantic weighed in on Alabama Public Radio’s report from the Associated Press.

“Alabama. Elected Tommy Tuberville. Katie Britt. Kay Ivey. A Hellscape of racism and cruelty,” Ornstein wrote, referring to the state’s Republican freshmen U.S. Senators and longtime Republican governor.

'All power to the people': Nebraskans to vote on dueling abortion ballot measures

A ruling by the Nebraska Supreme Court on Friday sets the stage for two separate abortion rights initiatives being on the state ballot this November.

The court ruled that two competing questions focused on abortion care can appear on voters' ballots: one that would enshrine the state's current 12-week ban and another that would affirm Nebraskans have the right to obtain abortion care until "fetal viability," around 24 weeks.

Campaigns for each of the ballot initiatives gathered more than 200,000 signatures in favor of the questions remaining on the ballot.

The Supreme Court decided that a constitutional amendment proposed by the reproductive rights group Protect Our Rights, allowing "all persons the fundamental right to an abortion without interference from the state" until fetal viability, did not violate the state's single-subject rule.

"The first right in our state constitution is for the people to engage in initiatives."

Opponents of the measure had claimed the wording was too vague and that it should not be permitted on ballots because it addressed abortion rights before and after viability as well as how the state should regulate abortion care.

The court said the question "has a singleness of subject" and noted that its ruling aligns with a decision made by the Florida Supreme Court this year.

Lawsuits were brought by an Omaha resident and an neonatologist, both of whom oppose abortion rights.

The state's 12-week abortion ban was passed by the Nebraska Legislature in 2023.

A recent poll by Pew Research found that 50% of adults in Nebraska believe abortion care should be legal in all or most cases, while 46% said it should be illegal.

State Sen. Megan Hunt (I-8) said she was "eager to see the outcome in November, when we will protect the right to abortion in Nebraska."

"All power to the people," said Hunt. "The first right in our state constitution is for the people to engage in initiatives."

Allie Berry, campaign manager for Protect Our Rights, told the Associated Press that "anti-abortion politicians forced an abortion ban into law and then coordinated with activists to launch desperate lawsuits to silence over 200,000 Nebraskans by preventing them from voting on what happens to their bodies."

"They know Nebraskans want to end the harmful abortion ban and stop government overreach in their personal and private healthcare decisions," said Berry. "Today, their plans failed."

How a Texas program funnels millions to anti-abortion groups with little accountability

ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for The Big Story newsletter to receive stories like this one in your inbox.

Year after year, while Roe v. Wade was the law of the land, Texas legislators passed measures limiting access to abortion — who could have one, how and where. And with the same cadence, they added millions of dollars to a program designed to discourage people from terminating pregnancies.

Their budget infusions for the Alternatives to Abortion program grew with almost every legislative session — first gradually, then dramatically — from $5 million starting in 2005 to $140 million after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the right to an abortion.

Now that abortion is largely illegal in Texas, lawmakers say they have shifted the purpose of the program, and its millions of dollars, to supporting families affected by the state’s ban.

In the words of Rep. Jeff Leach, a Republican from Plano, the goal is to “provide the full support and resources of the state government … to come alongside of these thousands of women and their families who might find themselves with unexpected, unplanned pregnancies.”

But an investigation by ProPublica and CBS News found that the system that funnels a growing pot of state money to anti-abortion nonprofits has few safeguards and is riddled with waste.

Officials with the Health and Human Services Commission, which oversees the program, don’t know the specifics of how tens of millions of taxpayer dollars are being spent or whether that money is addressing families’ needs.

In some cases, taxpayers are paying these groups to distribute goods they obtained for free, allowing anti-abortion centers — which are often called “crisis pregnancy centers” and may be set up to look like clinics that perform abortions — to bill $14 to hand out a couple of donated diapers.

Distributing a single pamphlet can net the same $14 fee. The state has paid the charities millions to distribute such “educational materials” about topics including parenting and adoption; it can’t say exactly how many millions because it doesn’t collect data on the goods it’s paying for. State officials declined to provide examples of the materials by publication time, and reporters who visited pregnancy centers were turned away.

For years, Texas officials have failed to ensure spending is proper or productive.

They didn’t conduct an audit of the program in the wake of revelations in 2021 that a subcontractor had used taxpayer funds to operate a smoke shop and to buy land for hemp production.

They ramped up funding to the program in 2022 even after some contractors failed to meet their few targets for success.

After a legislative mandate passed in 2023, lawmakers ordered the commission to set up a system to measure the performance and impact of the program.

One year later, Health and Human Services says it’s “working to implement the provisions of the law.” Agency spokespeople answered some questions but declined interview requests. They said their main contractor, Texas Pregnancy Care Network, was responsible for most program oversight.

The nonprofit network receives the most funding of the program’s four contractors and oversees dozens of crisis pregnancy centers, faith-based groups and other charities that serve as subcontractors.

The network’s executive director, Nicole Neeley, said those subcontractors have broad freedom over how they spend revenue from the state. For example, they can save it or use it for building renovations.

Pregnancy Center of the Coastal Bend in Corpus Christi, for instance, built up a $1.6 million surplus from 2020 to 2022. Executive Director Jana Pinson said two years ago that she plans to use state funds to build a new facility. She did not respond to requests for comment. A ProPublica reporter visited the waterfront plot where that facility was planned and found an empty lot.

Because subcontractors are paid set fees for their services, Neeley said, “what they do with the dollars in their bank accounts is not connected” to the Thriving Texas Families program. “It is no longer taxpayer money.”

The state said those funds are, in fact, taxpayer money. “HHSC takes stewardship of taxpayer dollars, appropriated by the Legislature, very seriously by ensuring they are used for their intended purpose,” a spokesperson said.

None of that has caused lawmakers to stop the cash from flowing. In fact, last year they blocked requirements to ensure certain services were evidence-based.

Leach, one of the program’s most ardent supporters, said in an interview with ProPublica and CBS News that he would seek accountability “if taxpayer dollars aren’t being spent appropriately.” But he remained confident about the program, saying the state would keep investing in it. In fact, he said, “We’re going to double down.”

What’s more, lawmakers around the country are considering programs modeled on Alternatives to Abortion.

Last year, Tennessee lawmakers directed $20 million to fund crisis pregnancy centers and similar nonprofits. And Florida enacted a 6-week abortion ban while including in the same bill a $25 million allocation to support crisis pregnancy centers. John McNamara, a longtime leader of Texas Pregnancy Care Network, has been working to start similar networks in Kansas, Oklahoma and Iowa. He’s also reserved the name Louisiana Pregnancy Care Network.

And U.S. House Republicans are advocating for allowing federal dollars from the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program — intended to help low-income families — to flow to pregnancy centers. In January, the House passed the legislation, and it is pending in the Senate. Rep. Elise Stefanik, R-N.Y., castigated Democrats for voting against the bill.

“That’s taking away diapers, that’s taking away resources from families who are in need,” she said in an interview with CBS News after the vote.

But, as Texas shows, more funding doesn’t necessarily pay for more diapers, formula or other support for families.

Lawmakers rebranded Alternatives to Abortion as Thriving Texas Families in 2023. The program is supposed to promote pregnancies, encourage family formation and increase economic self-sufficiency.

The state pays four contractors to run the program. The largest, which gets about 80% of the state funding, is the anti-abortion group Texas Pregnancy Care Network.

Human Coalition, which gets about 16% of the state funding, said it uses the money to provide clients with material goods, counseling, referrals to government assistance and education. Austin LifeCare, which gets about 3% of the state funding, could not be reached for comment about this story. Longview Wellness Center in East Texas, which receives less than 1% of the funds, said the state routinely audits its expenses to ensure it’s operating within guidelines.

Texas Pregnancy Care Network manages dozens of subcontractors that provide counseling and parenting classes and that distribute material aid such as diapers and formula. Parents must take a class or undergo counseling before they can get those goods.

The state can be charged $14 each time one of these subcontractors distributes items from one of several categories, including food, clothing and educational materials. That means the distribution of a couple of educational pamphlets could net the same $14 fee as a much pricier pack of diapers.

A single visit by a client to a subcontractor can result in multiple charges stacking up. Centers are eligible to collect the fees regardless of how many items are distributed or how much they are worth. One April morning, a client at McAllen Pregnancy Center, near the Texas-Mexico border, received a bag with some diapers, a baby outfit, a baby blanket, a pack of wipes, a baby brush, a snack and two pamphlets. It was not clear how much the center invoiced for these items.

McAllen Pregnancy Center and other Texas Pregnancy Care Network subcontractors were paid more than $54 million from 2021 to 2023 for distributing these items, according to records.

How much of that was for handing out pamphlets? The state said it didn’t know; it doesn’t collect data on the quantities or types of items provided to clients or whether they are essential items like diapers or just pamphlets, making it impossible for the public to know how tax dollars were spent.

Neeley said in an email that educational materials like pamphlets only accounted for 12% of the money reimbursed in this category last year, or roughly $2.4 million out of $20 million. She did not respond to questions from ProPublica and CBS News about evidence that would corroborate that number.

The way subcontractors are paid, and what they’re allowed to do with that money, raised questions among charity experts consulted for this investigation.

In the nonprofit sector, using a fee-for-service payment model for material assistance is highly unusual, said Vincent Francisco, a professor at the University of Kansas who has worked as a nonprofit administrator, evaluator and consultant over the past three decades. It “can run fast and loose if you’re not careful,” he said.

Even if nonprofits distribute items they got for free or close to it, the state will still reimburse them. Take Viola’s House, a pregnancy center and maternity home in Dallas. Records show that it pays a nearby diaper bank an administrative fee of $1,590 for about 120,000 diapers annually — just over a penny apiece. Viola’s House can then bill the state $14 for distributing a pack of diapers that cost the center just over a quarter.

But before they can get those diapers, parents must take a class. The center can also bill the state $30 for each hour of class a client attends.

Rep. Donna Howard, a Democrat from Austin, said the program could be more efficient if the state funded the diaper banks directly. Last year, she proposed diverting 2% of Thriving Texas Families’ funding directly to diaper banks, but the proposal failed.

Records show that in fiscal year 2023, Viola’s House received more than $1 million from the state in reimbursements for material support and educational items plus another $1.7 million for classes. Executive Director Thana Hickman-Simmons said Viola’s House relies on funding from an array of sources and that just a small fraction of the diapers it distributes come from the diaper bank. She said the state money “could never cover everything that we do.”

In some cases, reimbursements have created a hefty cushion in the budgets of subcontractors. The state doesn’t require them to spend the taxpayer funds they get on needy families, and Texas Pregnancy Care Network said subcontractors can spend the money as they see fit, as long as they follow Internal Revenue Service rules for nonprofits.

McAllen Pregnancy Center received $3.5 million in taxpayer money from Texas Pregnancy Care Network over three years, but it spent less than $1 million on program services, according to annual returns it filed with the IRS. Meanwhile, $2.1 million was added to the group’s assets, mostly in cash. Its executive director, Angie Arviso, asked a reporter who visited in person to submit questions in writing, but she never responded.

“This is a policy choice Texas has made,” said Samuel Brunson, associate dean for faculty research and development at the Loyola University Chicago School of Law, who researches and writes about the federal income tax and nonprofit organizations. “It has chosen to redistribute money from taxpayers to the reserve funds of private nonprofit organizations.”

Tax experts say that’s problematic. “Why would you give money to a recipient that is not spending it?” said Ge Bai, a professor of accounting and health policy at Johns Hopkins University.

The tax experts disagree with Texas Pregnancy Care Network’s argument that the money is no longer taxpayer dollars after its subcontractors are paid.

“It’s still the government buying something,” said Jason Coupet, associate professor of public management and policy at Georgia State University, who has studied efficiency in the public and nonprofit sectors. “If I were in the auditor’s office, that’s where I would start having questions.”

State legislators and regulators haven’t installed oversight protections in the program.

Three years ago, The Texas Tribune spotlighted the state’s refusal to track outcomes or seek insight into how subcontractors have spent taxpayer money.

Months later, Texas Pregnancy Care Network cut off funding to one of its biggest subcontractors after a San Antonio news outlet alleged the nonprofit had misspent money from the state.

KSAT-TV reported that the nonprofit, A New Life for a New Generation, had used Alternatives to Abortion funds for vacations and a motorcycle, and to fund a smoke shop business owned by the center’s president and CEO, Marquica Reed. It also spent $25,000 on land that was later registered by a member of Reed’s family to produce industrial hemp.

In an interview with ProPublica, a former case manager recalled how Reed would get angry if employees forgot to bill the state for a service provided to a client.

The former case manager, Bridgett Warren Campbell, said employees would buy diapers from the local Sam’s Club store, then take apart the packages. “We’d take the diapers out and give parents two to three diapers at a time, then she would bill TPCN,” said Campbell.

Reed declined to comment to a ProPublica reporter or to answer follow-up questions via email or text. Neeley, the Texas Pregnancy Care Network’s executive director, said the pregnancy center was removed from the program because its nonprofit status was in jeopardy, not because it had used money on personal spending. She said the network wasn’t responsible for monitoring how A New Life for a New Generation spent its dollars: “The power to investigate these matters of how nonprofits manage their own funds is reserved statutorily to the Texas Attorney General and the IRS.”

The Texas attorney general’s office would not say whether it has investigated the organization. Records show that after KSAT’s story, state officials referred the case to an inspector general and that the Texas Pregnancy Care Network submitted a report detailing how it monitored the subcontractor.

The state requires contractors to submit independent financial audits if they receive at least $750,000 in state money; Texas Pregnancy Care Network meets this threshold. However, its dozens of subcontractors don’t have to submit these audits — something experts in nonprofit practices said should be required. In the fiscal year before the alleged misspending came to light, A New Life for a New Generation received more than $1 million in reimbursements from the state, records show.

When ProPublica and CBS News asked how the Health and Human Services Commission detects fraud or misuse of taxpayer funds, Jennifer Ruffcorn, a commission spokesperson, said the agency “performs oversight through various methods, which may include fiscal, programmatic, and administrative monitoring, enhanced monitoring, desk reviews, financial reconciliations, on-site visits, and training and technical assistance.”

Through a spokesperson, Rob Ries, the deputy executive commissioner who oversees the program at Health and Human Services, declined to be interviewed.

The agency has never thoroughly evaluated the effectiveness of the program’s services in its nearly 20 years of existence.

It is supposed to make sure its contractors are meeting a few benchmarks: how many clients each one serves and how many they have referred to Medicaid and the Nurse-Family Partnership, a program that sends nurses to the homes of low-income first-time mothers and has been proven to reduce maternal deaths. The Nurse-Family Partnership does not receive Alternatives to Abortion funding.

In 2022, the Texas Pregnancy Care Network failed to meet two of three key benchmarks in its contract with the state: It didn’t serve enough clients and it didn’t refer enough of them to the nursing program. The state didn’t withhold or reduce its funding. McNamara disputed the first claim, saying the state changed its methodology for counting clients, and said the other benchmark was difficult to hit because too few clients qualified for the nursing program.

In May 2023, when lawmakers passed the bill rebranding the program, the state also ordered the agency to “identify indicators to measure the performance outcomes,” “require periodic reporting” and hire an outside party to conduct impact evaluations.

The agency declined to share details about its progress on those requirements except to say that it is soliciting for impact evaluation services. Records show the agency has requested bids.

Lawmakers decided last year against enacting requirements that would ensure certain services were evidence-based — proven by research to meet their goals — instead siding with an argument that they would be too onerous for smaller nonprofits.

Texas’ six-week abortion ban took effect in 2021, and more than 16,000 additional babies were born in the state the following year. Academics expect that trend to continue.

But the safety net for parents and babies is paper thin.

Texas has the lowest rate of insured women of reproductive age in the country and ranks above the national average for maternal deaths. It’s last in giving cash assistance to families living beneath the poverty line.

Mothers told reporters they are struggling to scrape together enough diapers and wipes to keep their babies clean. A San Antonio diaper bank has hundreds of families on its waitlist. Outside an Austin food pantry, lines snake around the block.

Howard, the Austin state representative, said ProPublica and CBS News’ findings show that the program needs more oversight. “It is unconscionable that a [Thriving Texas Families] provider would be allowed to keep millions in reserve when there is a tremendous need for more investment in access to health care services,” she said.

48 former medical officials warn a second Trump presidency poses major 'threat to public health'

A group of former medical officials is warning Americans of the dangers of a second Donald Trump presidency, arguing in a statement Thursday that the former president poses a major “threat to public health.”

"If he is elected president, Donald Trump will make our fears a reality,” the group wrote.

As Fox News Digital reports, “the group of 48 individuals is led by Dr. Andrew Gurman, former president of the American Medical Association (AMA), and includes six other former AMA presidents, a former U.S. surgeon general, four former acting surgeons general, a number of other former deputy and assistant surgeons general and former representatives of the American College of Physicians.”

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In their statement, the former medical officials posit that under Trump, “the price of healthcare for American families … would skyrocket, while millions would lose access to healthcare altogether.”

“While his specific policies are at best ambiguous, his track record and his words make clear the damage he would do,” the group notes.

"We therefore encourage anyone concerned about the price, availability and safety of healthcare to keep Mr. Trump out of the White House," the statement adds.

Speaking with Fox News Digital, Gurman said he signed the letter because “returning Mr. Trump to the Oval Office could have real and negative effects on the health of our country.”

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"I am concerned that millions might lose access to health care altogether, and that for the rest it might well become much more expensive,” Gurman added.

In the statement, the former medical officials insist “a vote for Donald Trump is a vote for more expensive, more dangerous and less accessible healthcare.”

"A second Trump presidency would mean the American people would risk getting sicker, going broke, both or worse with soaring prescription drug costs, the elimination of protections for patients with preexisting conditions and wins for Big Pharma at the expense of working families," Gurman said.

Read the full statement here, via National Security Leaders for America.

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Kari Lake urges AZ governor to end abortion ban she was once 'incredibly thrilled' to support

Arizona Republican U.S. Senate candidate Kari Lake, who spent years promoting Donald Trump’s “Big Lie” that the 2020 election was stolen then lost her 2022 run for governor yet has claimed she is the current “lawful” governor is now calling on the actual governor to come up with a “solution” after the state Supreme Court on Tuesday ruled an 1864 near-total ban on abortion which Lake has called “great” is still legal and enforceable.

“I oppose today’s ruling, and I am calling on Katie Hobbs and the State Legislature to come up with an immediate common sense solution that Arizonans can support,” Lake, who opposes abortion, announced Tuesday.

Just two years ago before losing her race to become Arizona governor, Lake said, “I don’t believe in abortion. I think the older [1864] law is going to take and is going to go into effect that’s what I believe will happen.”

The 1864 law bans nearly all abortion, including in instances of rape and incest, and allows it only to save the life of the mother.

READ MORE: ‘Incoherent’ and ‘Scared’: Trump Slammed Over Latest Abortion Statement

“I believe life begins at conception,” she continued, and when asked about medical abortion, said, “I don’t think abortion pills should be legal.”

That same year she declared, “I’m incredibly thrilled that we are going to have a great law that’s already on the books, so it will prohibit abortion in Arizona.”

The 160-year old law banning abortion was enacted before Arizona became a state. As political scientist David Darmofal noted, “part of Arizona was in the Confederacy just two years before the abortion ban that’s now the law of the state.”

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Tuesday afternoon, Lake served up a very different statement, declaring, “it is abundantly clear that the pre-statehood law is out of step with Arizonans.”

“I wholeheartedly agree with President Trump – this is a very personal issue that should be determined by each individual state and her people. I oppose today’s ruling, and I am calling on Katie Hobbs and the State Legislature to come up with an immediate common sense solution that Arizonans can support.”

Lake also said she supports protecting in-vitro fertilization (IVF), which legal experts say is incongruent with those who claim to oppose abortion.

Promising to “fight like hell to protect abortion rights once and for all,” U.S. Rep. Ruben Gallego, the Democratic Congressman running for the same Senate seat as Lake, blasted Tuesday’s court ruling and his Republican opponent.

“Today’s ruling is devastating for Arizona women and their families. This is not what Arizonans want, and women could die because of it. Yet again, extremist politicians like Kari Lake are forcing themselves into doctors’ offices and ripping away the right for women to make their own healthcare decisions. Lake called this a ‘great law’ – even though it will ban nearly all abortions, including in cases of rape or incest<‘ Gallego said in a statement. “Our fight against extremist bans like the one enacted today has never been more important — which is why I’m committed to doing whatever it takes to protect abortion rights at the federal level. This isn’t about partisanship — it’s about protecting Arizonans’ rights.”

Watch the videos above or at this link.

Thousands of kids in Florida lost Medicaid coverage on Easter — nearly half a million over past year

Nearly half-a-million children in Florida have lost Medicaid coverage over the past year, after the DeSantis administration and Florida Republican lawmakers chose to not extend Medicaid coverage as the COVID pandemic was declared officially over. Florida reportedly is the only state in the nation to not adopt the Biden administration’s strategies to “minimize terminations for procedural reasons.”

Thousands of children on Easter Sunday lost coverage, NBC6 reported.

“Florida has dropped over 1.3 million people, including 460,000 children, from its state Medicaid program since April 1, 2023, after the end of a pandemic-era policy that banned states from removing ineligible participants from the health insurance program for disabled and low-income people,” the Orlando Sentinel reports.

The reasons for Florida dropping 1.3 million from Medicaid are varied, including improvement in economic status, or just “red tape.”

U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services Xavier Becerra has issued strong criticism of Florida’s actions.

“Children in Florida have ‘without a doubt’ lost coverage due to paperwork snafus,” Secretary Becerra told the Sentinel. “Becerra previously sent a letter to DeSantis and eight other governors expressing concern about the large number of children who had lost coverage due to red tape.”

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“It continues to not just disturb but confound, I think, a lot of folks that some states have chosen not to address the loss of health care by so many children,” Becerra also said. “… Denying that child those services is not just unconscionable, it’s a nightmare for the family.”

In January the Tallahassee Democrat reported, “the Sunshine State, with 2.5 million uninsured, also has one of the nation’s highest shares of residents without health coverage.”

“In turning back a program that could bring health coverage to roughly 1 million Floridians, Gov. Ron DeSantis and Republican supermajorities in the House and Senate also are rejecting about $5.6 billion in federal aid which would come in the first two years of expansion, and about $4.4 billion annually after that.”

Last year HuffPost‘s Jonathan Cohn reported Florida’s uninsured amounts to “about 12% of its population, which is well above the national average of 8.6%. It’s also more than all but four other states,” Cohn added. “Floridians without insurance suffer because when they can’t pay for their medical care, they end up in debt or go without needed treatment or both. The state suffers, too, because it ends up with a sicker, less productive workforce as well as a higher charity care load for its hospitals, clinics and other pieces of the medical safety net. DeSantis could do something about this. He has refused.”

Meanwhile. The Florida Policy Institute reported last month, “Florida is the only state that has not opted to utilize policy flexibilities offered by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services to reduce the number of children losing coverage due to system error or red tape.”

Florida has its own children’s health care alternative to Medicaid, Florida’s Children’s Health Insurance Program, or KidCare, which “offers free, subsidized and full-pay insurance for kids whose parents make too much money to qualify for Medicaid,” according to the Sentinel.

But coverage differs from Medicaid, as a report from WFLA shows. The DeSantis administration is suing to try to force the Biden administration to drop a federal policy that requires children to be allowed to stay on the state’s plan even if their parents miss payments.

Dropping 1.3 million people in Florida exacerbates an existing health care problem.

Late last month the South Florida Sun Sentinel reported, “More than 1,300 babies a year, about four a day, die in Florida.” That report, the first in a series of three is titled, “Born to die: Florida’s infant mortality crisis.”

“Health experts say the losses of new life will continue unless the state rethinks how it fails mothers before and during pregnancy,” the paper observed. “The biggest risk to an infant’s health is always the mother’s health. When mothers have preexisting conditions, like diabetes, obesity or heart disease, their babies face a higher risk of death. Everything from Florida’s impenetrable insurance structure to its ineffective investment in maternal and prenatal health contributes to the high rate of babies who die within their first year of life, sometimes within their first minutes.”

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“Compared to a decade ago, pregnant women in Florida are older, less healthy and have more complications during birth, according to Florida Department of Health maternal health records. They also are living in a state where access to insurance — or the right insurance — is a barrier to primary and prenatal care.”

The Sun Sentinel also offered these statistics:

“Six of every 1,000 babies born in Florida die before their first birthday, a rate that exceeds the national average of 5.6. Florida babies die mostly from birth defects that affect eating or breathing, infections prevalent in preterm and low birthweight babies, and Sudden Infant Death Syndrome. Most infants in Florida who die under the age of 1 die within their very first month. Black babies in Florida die twice as often as white non-Hispanic and Hispanic babies.”

The paper says insurance is a major factor.

“One-fifth of Florida women ages 19 to 44 have no health insurance, which is worse than 46 other states,” while “Florida is one of only 10 states where the Affordable Care Act’s expansion of Medicaid for low-income adults has not been implemented. That means thousands of women of child-bearing age can’t get Medicaid health insurance for primary care who would have coverage in expansion states like Virginia or New York.”

Federal appeals court rules emergency rooms are not required to perform life-saving abortions

"Emergency rooms not required to perform life-saving abortions, federal appeals court rules" was first published by The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.

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Senator calls for DOJ action against Philips for keeping CPAP machine complaints secret

ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for The Big Story newsletter to receive stories like this one in your inbox.

Series: With Every Breath:Millions of Breathing Machines. One Dangerous Defect

Philips Respironics received thousands of complaints about a dangerous defect in its breathing machines but kept them secret for years as stock prices soared. The devices, including the popular DreamStation for sleep apnea, went to children, the elderly and veterans before the global giant announced a massive recall.

A powerful U.S. senator is calling on federal prosecutors to take immediate action against Philips Respironics after revelations the global company withheld thousands of warnings about popular breathing machines capable of spewing hazardous particles and fumes into the masks of patients.

“Philips brazenly turned a blind eye to its dangerous defective machines all in the name of profit,” Sen. Richard Blumenthal, D-Conn., said in a statement about the device maker, which has long dominated the market for ventilators and sleep apnea machines.

The call for enforcement from the Department of Justice comes just days after an investigation by ProPublica and the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette revealed the company kept secret more than 3,700 complaints about the faulty devices over the course of 11 years before launching a massive recall in 2021.

At the time, Philips acknowledged that an industrial foam placed inside the devices to reduce noise could break down in heat and humidity and release material into the air paths of the machines. By then, the company’s two factories in Pittsburgh had turned out millions of the tainted devices, which were delivered to infants, the elderly, COVID-19 patients and at least 700,000 veterans.

As the complaints mounted, stock prices for the device maker’s parent company, Royal Philips, soared to the highest levels in at least 40 years. In a statement, Philips said it regrets any “distress and concern” caused by the recall and it is cooperating with prosecutors and regulators.

“Philips’ priority is patient safety and quality,” the company said.

Safety tests on the foam by Philips in the wake of the recall were called into question by the FDA on Thursday, which said in a statement that the tests were not adequate and did not “fully evaluate the risks posed to users.” Philips agreed to conduct additional tests, the agency said.

Stock prices for Royal Philips, which fell in the wake of the ProPublica and Post-Gazette investigation, dropped by more than 9% on Friday morning after the FDA announcement.

The Justice Department, which has been examining the company’s testing practices and safety claims, can impose a range of penalties against medical device companies in violation of federal safety laws, including civil sanctions and criminal charges.

“Philips knew about the serious risks of its breathing machines for years, but inexcusably, withheld critical information,” said Blumenthal, a member of the Senate Judiciary Committee and chair of an investigations subcommittee that probes violations of laws and regulations impacting national health and safety. “The DOJ must take immediate, aggressive action against Philips for its years-long wrongdoing.”

Senate Majority Whip Dick Durbin, D-Ill., also lambasted Philips for “allowing consumers to breathe in harmful particles from their CPAP machines.”

“It’s deeply disturbing that Phillips would sit on this information as Americans became sicker and sicker,” Durbin said in response to the news organizations’ investigation.

To keep the public safe, federal law requires device makers to submit reports of device malfunctions, patient injuries and deaths within 30 days. In the years before the recall, ProPublica and the Post-Gazette found, Philips withheld the vast majority of complaints about the foam from the Food and Drug Administration, which oversees the medical device industry.

News of the recall stunned patients and their doctors, who scrambled to find information about the potential health risks. The FDA has since classified the recall as the most serious, for device defects that can cause severe injury or death.

“All I could do is tell them the truth, what their options were and be sympathetic,” said Dr. Byron Cooper, a Philips CPAP user and newly retired pulmonologist who treated sleep apnea patients in Washington, D.C. “It would have helped to have more transparency.”

Durbin and Rep. Jan Schakowsky, D-Ill., recently proposed legislation to streamline the recall process so that patients quickly learn about potential health risks.

“When these recalls, like the one Phillips finally issued after more than a decade, come to light, consumers have a right to be informed,” Durbin said.

Philips has said that complaints about the foam were limited before the recall and evaluated on a case-by-case basis, and that when it became aware of the potential significance of the problem in early 2021, the company launched the recall shortly after that.

Philips acknowledged the foam could release chemicals or break into particles capable of causing life-threatening injuries.

Since the recall, the company has changed course, saying recent testing on the DreamStation continuous positive airway pressure, or CPAP, machine and similar devices shows that chemical emissions fall within safety thresholds.

ProPublica and the Post-Gazette obtained copies of the results of four tests carried out in 2021 that were solicited by Philips. Three experts who reviewed the results for the news organizations disputed the company’s claim that emissions fall within safety thresholds. The experts also pointed out that the foam tested positive for genotoxicity, the ability of a chemical to cause cells to mutate, which can lead to cancer.

As doctors struggle to assess the long-term health risks, Connecticut Attorney General William Tong said third-party experts should conduct safety tests on the devices.

“There are still people with defective devices who are rightfully scared and frustrated and they deserve better from both Philips and FDA,” said Tong, who last year joined Blumenthal in a letter to federal regulators urging them to take action against the company.

Kushal Kadakia, a public health researcher at Harvard Medical School who has written about the recall, said the FDA should launch an advisory panel to determine whether the devices are safe and should also require Philips to carry out a study tracking the long-term health consequences.

The FDA, which said it does not comment on compliance matters, said that it is “unsatisfied” with the status of the recall and that the agency would continue to ensure that patients receive accurate information.

Last month, Philips reached a settlement in one of several lawsuits against the company, agreeing to pay at least $479 million to reimburse customers and others for the costs of the defective machines.

After ProPublica and the Post-Gazette published their investigation, which drew on previously undisclosed company records, interviews with Philips insiders and leaked test reports, Philips released a statement saying the stories “do not present new facts and we do not agree with the characterizations made in these articles.”

South Carolina’s all-male conservative Supreme Court rules abortion ban is constitutional

South Carolina’s newly all-male conservative Supreme Court reversed its prior ruling on Wednesday, finding the state’s strict six-week abortion ban is constitutional.

“Writing for the new majority, Justice John Kittredge acknowledged that the 2023 law,” which bans abortion at six weeks, the Associated Press reports, “infringes on ‘a woman’s right of privacy and bodily autonomy,’ but said the state legislature reasonably determined this time around that those interests don’t outweigh ‘the interest of the unborn child to live.'”

In January, justices on South Carolina’s Supreme Court had ruled the state’s ban on abortion was unconstitutional because it violated the right to privacy.

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In February, the court’s only woman justice retired, making South Carolina the only state in the nation with an all-male Supreme Court.

The Associated Press at the time called it “a development that comes amid increasing Republican scrutiny of the court that narrowly struck down the conservative state’s abortion ban last month.”

“The Republican-led Legislature chose Judge Gary Hill to replace the high court’s lone female justice, Kaye Hearn, who had reached the court’s retirement age and who wrote the leading opinion in the 3-2 ruling overturning the state’s 2021 abortion ban,” the AP noted. “Hill was the only candidate for the position remaining after two female candidates, Judges Stephanie McDonald and Aphrodite Konduros, dropped out on Jan. 17, which was the day candidates could begin seeking legislators’ support. Although nominees have previously left such races when they decided they lacked the votes, the departures have not often happened so swiftly.”

READ MORE: 'He's in for quite the ride': John Eastman surrenders at Atlanta jail while facing possible disbarment

In May, South Carolina Republican Governor Henry McMaster signed a new six-week abortion ban into law “without any notice, which had left dozens of people seeking abortions in limbo and created the potential for a legal abortion becoming illegal as a doctor performed it,” NBC News had reported.

A judge had placed a temporary hold on the law, allowing the state’s Supreme Court to review it in June.

Tuberville targeted by retired colonel for 'kneecapping America’s military' over Pentagon abortion policy

U.S. Senator Tommy Tuberville‘s holds on more than 300 military promotions is creating an “unsafe” situation and “undermining” U.S. military readiness, according to the Secretary of Defense, with one retired U.S. Air Force Colonel stepping up to call the Alabama Republican lawmaker a “traitor.”

Sen. Tuberville has been blocking every military promotion requiring Senate confirmation since February, an act that affects not only those officers but their families, and those who would be promoted to fill their role, along with their families. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin lamented on Monday that the U.S. now faces the “unprecedented” situation of not having Senate-confirmed leaders atop three military service branches: Army, Navy, and Marines.

The Alabama Senator claims his reason for blocking the promotions is a response to the Pentagon’s policy of reimbursing service members who need to travel out of state to obtain abortion services. That policy was put in place after the U.S. Supreme Court struck down Roe v. Wade, and some Republican-led states began enacting abortion bans.

Retired U.S. Air Force Colonel Moe Davis is an outspoken attorney and former administrative law judge known for resigning as the Chief Prosecutor at Guantanamo Bay over his opposition to waterboarded prisoners being charged – waterboarding is considered torture by Davis and many authorities, and is also considered illegal and a possible war crime.

On Monday Col. Davis declared, “Thanks to Tommy ‘Tantrum’ Tuberville, the Army, Navy & Marine Corps do not have confirmed leaders and hundreds of other senior military officers are in limbo. If you think the @GOP gives a rat’s ass about America’s military and nat’l security, you’re a special kind of stupid.”

He also nicknamed Sen. Tiberville “Traitor Tubbs.”

“Because of @SenTuberville, the Army, Navy & Marine Corps lack leaders, so who bankrolls Traitor Tubbs?” he asked. Davis answered his own question, listing companies including Boeing, Lockheed Martin, FedEx, John Deere, TMobile, CSX, and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, among others.

Davis slammed Lockheed Martin in particular.

“It’s a disgrace that defense contractors and those who love to be seen waving the flag and talking about how they support the troops bankroll the lone senator who is single-handedly kneecapping America’s military. They talk the talk, but they don’t walk the walk,” he wrote.

He widened his attack to include other top military contractors, and included an image of the wall of photos of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, now missing three top leaders.

See Col. Davis’ social media post above or at this link.

Ohio voters reject GOP 'power grab' aimed at thwarting abortion rights amendment

Ohio voters on Tuesday decisively rejected a Republican-authored measure that would have made it more difficult to amend the state constitution through the ballot initiative process, a billionaire-funded effort aimed at preempting a November vote on abortion rights.

If approved by voters, the measure known as Issue 1 would have raised the threshold for passage of a constitutional amendment from a simple majority to 60%. The measure also would have imposed more stringent signature requirements for Ohio ballot initiatives.

The GOP proposal—which was the only item on the ballot in Tuesday's special election—failed by a vote of 43% to 57%, according to the Ohio secretary of state's office.

"Issue 1 was a blatant attempt by its supporters to control both the policy agenda and the process of direct democracy," said Rachael Belz, the CEO of Ohio Citizen Action, one of the groups that mobilized in opposition to the proposal. "When they forced Issue 1 onto the ballot, they awakened a sleeping giant and unleashed a movement. And that movement isn't going away tomorrow. It will continue to build and grow and to carry us through to victories in November and beyond."

The Republican push for Issue 1 drew national attention given the implications for both the democratic process and reproductive rights in Ohio, where abortion is currently legal through 22 weeks of pregnancy—though the state GOP is working to change that.

A proposed constitutional amendment on the ballot in November would codify the right to abortion access in the Ohio constitution, stating that "every individual has a right to make and carry out one's own reproductive decisions, including but not limited to decisions on contraception, fertility treatment, continuing one's own pregnancy, miscarriage care, and abortion."

Frank LaRose, Ohio's Republican secretary of state and a U.S. Senate hopeful, said in June that Issue 1 was " 100% about" preventing passage of the abortion rights amendment.

Recent polling indicates that around 58% of Ohioans back the proposed amendment—a level of support that would have been insufficient had Issue 1 succeeded.

"From defeating Issue 1 tonight to submitting nearly twice the amount of signatures needed to get a measure protecting abortion access on the ballot in November, Ohio voters have made clear that they will settle for nothing less than reproductive freedom for all," Mini Timmaraju, the president of NARAL Pro-Choice America, said in a statement late Tuesday.

"Republicans should be ashamed of their efforts to subvert the will of voters," Timmaraju added. "Seeing this measure defeated is a victory for our fundamental rights and our democracy. We're grateful to our partners on the ground for their tireless efforts to secure abortion rights and access. We look forward to fighting by their side to lock this fundamental freedom into law in November."

The Republican attack on the ballot initiative process in Ohio is part of a nationwide GOP effort to limit direct democracy as the party—emboldened by the right-wing U.S. Supreme Court—continues its effort to roll back abortion rights and other freedoms.

According to a March tally by election analyst Stephen Wolf, Republicans have recently tried to make it harder to pass citizen-led ballot initiatives in at least 10 states, including Ohio, Florida, Arizona, and Arkansas.

"In the many states where the GOP has refused to take action, activists have used ballot initiatives to expand Medicaid, raise the minimum wage, secure abortion rights, protect the right to vote, curb gerrymandering, legalize marijuana, promote gun safety, and more," Wolf wrote. "How have Republicans reacted to this? By trying to make it harder to pass initiatives in the first place."

Catherine Turcer, executive director of Common Cause Ohio, said Tuesday that "since 1912, Ohioans have had the right to collect signatures and bring proposed constitutional amendments directly to voters."

"This is an important check on the state legislature, hyperpartisan politicians, and special interests who did everything they could to take away that right," Turcer added. "It was the hard work and resilience of Ohioans of all parties that prevented the destruction of a foundational right we've held for 110+ years."

"Tonight's results," Turcer said, "are a resounding victory for Ohio voters who helped stop this power grab by the state legislature and Secretary of State Frank LaRose."

Jamie Raskin nails GOP at Covid hearing: Lab leak 'would only deepen Trump's culpability'

Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-MD) warned Republicans that former President Donald Trump's culpability for Covid-19 deaths "would only deepen" if their theory about a lab leak in China was true.

Raskin made the remarks during a Tuesday House Oversight hearing into the origins of Covid-19.

"We are all interested in finding out the origins of the Covid-19 epidemic to make sure that such a nightmare never happens again to us," Raskin began. "Some people think that the finding that it all started with a lab leak would somehow absolve Donald Trump of his lethally reckless response to the pandemic. Of course, his response was dangerously dysfunctional regardless of how it got started."

The Maryland Democrat pointed out that Trump's former adviser, Dr. Deborah Birx, "said that we lost hundreds of thousands of American lives because of the flaws in the response."

IN OTHER NEWS: Trump has set up an 'embarrassing' trap for his own lawyers: national security attorney

"But even if the virus came from a lab, as indeed it could have, we don't know that yet, that would only deepen Donald Trump's culpability because he was the one who repeatedly and enthusiastically praised China's early handling of the pandemic and assured us that he was working closely with President Xi on the response to it," Raskin added. "So let's just get the facts straight and leave all the political myth-making aside."

Watch the video below or at this link.

How executives and well-connected investors make exquisitely timed trades in health care stocks

ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for The Big Story newsletter to receive stories like this one in your inbox

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Series: The Secret IRS Files

Inside the Tax Records of the .001%

The case was a bold step for the Securities and Exchange Commission.

In 2021, the agency accused Matthew Panuwat of insider trading. Five years earlier, he had learned that his own company, a biopharma operation called Medivation, was about to get acquired. But instead of buying shares in his employer, he bought options in a competitor whose stock could be expected to rise on the news. The agency says he made $107,000 in illicit profits.

For the first and so far only time, the SEC filed a case that accuses an executive of using secret information from his own company to trade in the stock of a rival. “Biopharmaceutical industry insiders frequently have access to material nonpublic information” that impacts both their company and “other companies in the industry,” Gurbir Grewal, the commission’s director of enforcement, warned in announcing the case. “The SEC is committed to detecting and pursuing illegal trading in all forms.”

One of the cornerstones of the agency’s case against Panuwat is that Medivation had a policy that explicitly barred employees from buying or selling competitors’ stock based on company information not available to ordinary investors.

It wasn’t just Panuwat who risked violating Medivation’s policy, a trove of confidential IRS data obtained in recent years by ProPublica shows.

It was also his then-boss, CEO David Hung.

The records show Hung traded frequently in the stock and options of pharmaceutical companies, betting tens of millions of dollars on the rise or fall of shares of dozens of such firms, some of which were direct competitors with his company. Several of his trades came just before news about a rival that he could have learned about in his position as CEO. In one case, he traded ahead of news he personally announced.

The size of Hung’s trades dwarfs those that got his subordinate, who has denied any wrongdoing, in the crosshairs of the SEC.

Hung’s spokesperson acknowledged the CEO has learned nonpublic information about competitors, but denied that information ever informed any of his dozens of trades.

Earlier this year, ProPublica revealed that some executives with access to nonpublic industry informationhad made remarkably well-timed transactions in the securities of their direct competitors and partner companies. Securities law experts said many of the trades, which in some instances rapidly delivered millions of dollars in profit, warranted examination by regulators. The transactions ranged across sectors: from energy to toys, paper products to mortgage servicers.

But one industry stood out for both its frequency and variety of questionable trades: biotech and other relatively small health care enterprises such as medical device makers and drug companies. Dozens of wealthy executives and well-connected investors reported superbly timed stock trades in such companies, including in businesses they competed with or had personal ties to.

ProPublica has analyzed millions of transactions documented in the tax records of the wealthiest taxpayers, including many of the nation’s top business leaders. A high proportion of these trades involved plain vanilla investments, with long-term holdings of blue chip stocks and the like. But a minority of the transactions displayed what experts say are hallmarks of potentially suspicious trading.

Finding well-timed trades was only a starting point for ProPublica’s analysis. We then scrutinized transactions that occurred just before market-moving news, particularly those that represented a departure from an investor’s previous investing pattern, because they either had hardly if ever traded a particular company's stock, were trading an unusually high dollar amount or were making use of risky options for the first time. We examined whether those people had any possible nonpublic means of obtaining information about the companies whose stock rose or fell at an opportune moment. We provided anonymized descriptions of these trades to academics, former prosecutors and former SEC officials, and focused on those they said should have garnered the attention of regulators.

Among the notable examples:

The chairman of a biotech company bought shares in a corporate partner just as the partner was reaching the final stages of secret negotiations to be purchased.

The chairman of a bone health company made aggressive bets on a medical technology firm run by an adviser to his board just before its sales took off, netting him $29 million in a series of options trades.

A wealthy investor with ties to a niche area of cancer research personally traded, for the first time ever, in a company in that sector just before it was taken over. He bought high-risk options that earned him a quick $1 million in profit.

An information edge can be lucrative in any industry, but especially so in the health care sector. Many of its companies are built around only one or a handful of products, making their shares particularly volatile and ripe for profit by investors with inside knowledge. Biotechs and other up-and-comers face clear make-or-break moments: Clinical trials, signals from regulators or takeover rumors can cause wild swings in share prices.

Since beginning to report on our massive trove of IRS records in 2021, ProPublica has analyzed the data and used it as the basis for a series of articles, The Secret IRS Files, that reveal the many ways in which the tax code favors the rich and how the ultrawealthy exploit those advantages.

The IRS data also included millions of records of wealthy taxpayers’ stock and options trades, provided by the brokerages that handled the trades. While the SEC routinely reviews stock trading data from brokers and exchanges, the agency does not have access to IRS data, which in many ways is more comprehensive. (A spokesperson for the SEC declined to comment for this article.)

The securities experts said there is no fixed definition of what makes a trade suspicious and worthy of further investigation. A propitious trade for a relatively small amount, for example, might still warrant scrutiny if the investor has a tie to the company. One excellently timed trade is less noteworthy if the investor frequently trades in that security. A trade with a modest return could still be problematic if it came before news the investor knew about in advance or set in motion. And even if a trader’s investment strategy in a stock wasn’t ultimately successful, a single lucrative trade could still be deemed illegal.

The experts interviewed by ProPublica about the trading patterns examined in this story said that while each should trigger closer scrutiny from regulators, the question of whether they would lead to any action would depend on a host of additional factors. They noted that stock trades are generally deemed to violate insider trading laws only when multiple elements are met. The trader must have had information, not yet publicly known, that would affect the company’s share price. And the trader, or the person who provided the tip, must have had a duty not to disclose the information or use it for personal benefit.

ProPublica’s records give no indication as to why investors made particular trades or what information they possessed. The wealthy investors named in this story either denied their trades were improper or did not comment.

The personal trading policy for Medivation, the multibillion-dollar company Hung ran, was particularly explicit. It warned its employees to be careful trading the shares of competitors because Medivation’s employees possess nonpublic information that can affect those companies’ stock prices as well. “For anyone to use such information to gain personal benefit,” the policy stated, “is illegal.”

But ProPublica’s data show Hung, who has led a number of biopharma companies and has been described in the press as a master dealmaker, risked violating the company’s policy by trading in the securities of competitors. During the decade-plus in which Hung led Medivation, most of his proceeds from securities transactions in companies other than his own involved the pharma sector.

With timely trading, he sometimes scored gains of hundreds of thousands of dollars or managed to avoid a calamitous loss. (The records show that he sometimes lost money as well.)

Securities experts with whom we described his trading patterns and high-ranking role (but not his name) said the investments appeared to show a top executive capitalizing on information not available to the average investor.

In July and August 2011, Hung’s tax records show, he sold more than a million dollars’ worth of stock in a company called Dendreon. Dendreon was then producing a promising prostate cancer therapy that Hung’s firm was competing against, working to get their own drug to market. The day after Hung sold the last of his two roughly half-million-dollar tranches of Dendreon stock in August, the company’s share price fell 67% because of poor sales and a lack of initial enthusiasm from doctors about its prostate cancer drug.

Industry experts said that when a pharmaceutical is in late-stage development, as Medivation’s drug was at the time, the company will normally have its representatives examine the competitive landscape, including surveying doctors’ offices about rival drugs. And business-side employees of companies, even competitors, frequently mingle and trade gossip at conferences.

A few months later, in October 2011, Hung again bought shares of Dendreon, but quickly made a U-turn days after, selling those shares off for about $150,000, essentially the same price he had bought them for. A week later, Hung announced that his company had learned that trials had gone so well for its own prostate cancer therapy that the drug was going to start being offered even to participants who had been given a placebo. “These results are both an important step toward making this life-extending potential treatment available to the prostate cancer community and a significant milestone for our company,” Hung said in a press release at the time.

Just as Hung announced his company’s promising results, Dendreon released lackluster quarterly earnings. Its stock fell 37%.

David Nierengarten, an analyst who covered both companies at the time, told ProPublica the earnings report caused most of the fall, but part of it could also be attributed to Medivation’s clinical trial results, which posed a threat to Dendreon’s market share. Hung’s spokesperson said that Hung did not know the outcome of his company’s clinical trials when he sold Dendreon’s shares.

Hung sold Dendreon shares on almost two dozen occasions over six years, with most of the trades for less than $150,000. Hung’s spokesperson denied he had any relevant nonpublic information when he made his Dendreon trades.

In one instance, tax records show Hung traded a competitor’s stock ahead of news he himself disclosed that experts said would likely qualify as material.

On Aug. 24, 2015, Hung announced that Medivation was acquiring a cancer-fighting medication from a company called BioMarin. The drug was one of a handful of cutting-edge new drugs that Hung hailed as an “exciting class of oncology therapeutics.”

What Hung didn’t say was that on the same day his company finalized the acquisition — but three days before the public announcement — he made a purchase in his personal stock trading account. He bought about $8 million in shares of Clovis Oncology, a company that was separately developing a drug in the same treatment category, known as “PARP inhibitors.”

After the acquisition, the pharmaceutical trade press noted that there was growing interest in this class of drugs. Hung’s deal marked the first big acquisition of a PARP inhibitor.

“Obviously all the PARPs are going to pop,” said Nierengarten, the analyst who covered Hung’s company. Clovis is a small company reliant on a small number of drugs, “so it’s really going to pop,” he said.

And it did. In the week after the Medivation agreement was announced, Hung’s stock purchase paid off: The price of Clovis shares increased by about 11%, a rise experts attributed partly to Hung’s drug acquisition.

By the time Hung sold the shares the next month, he netted $1.25 million in profit.

Hung’s spokesperson defended the trades, saying Hung did not believe Medivation’s acquisition of BioMarin’s drug would affect the share price of a company that made a drug in the same class.He also said most of the stock’s rise came in the days after the news of the acquisition, not the day of, which he said indicated Hung’s profit was attributable to other factors.

The Clovis shares that Hung bought represented the final step in what records show was a series of complex transactions involving what are known as stock options — arrangements to buy or sell a security at some future date. In April 2015, Hung started selling Clovis “put options.” That meant he was entering into a contract that gave another investor the right to sell Clovis shares to him in the near future at a specified price. It was essentially a bet by Hung that Clovis shares would remain at roughly the same price or rise (a sophisticated and unusual transaction for a typical retail investor).

In April and May, Hung sold a small number of his contracts. In June and July, he began selling more frequently and in larger quantities: 17 times as many contracts as he had sold in the previous two months. According to his spokesperson, this was around the time Hung was approached to buy BioMarin’s drug.

The expiration dates for the options were staggered. A large group of his contracts expired on the same day he finalized the drug acquisition.

At that moment, Hung had two choices, both seemingly unpleasant. According to his spokesperson, he likely could have paid cash to end the contracts, which would have resulted in an immediate loss since the options were for a higher stock price than Clovis was trading at on that day. The contracts also allowed him to buy the specified number of shares, a seemingly bad deal since he would pay anywhere from $75 to $85 per share for stock that was trading at less than $73.

But on that day, Hung knew something the market didn’t: that his company was about to announce it was buying Biomarin’s drug.

Hung bought about $8 million worth of Clovis shares. After his company’s announcement, Hung was in the black in a matter of days, even after he bought at the inflated price. The option trades had worked out beautifully. He sold the shares the next month, turning that $1.25 million profit.

Hung’s spokesperson pointed out that, taking into account all of the Clovis options he sold that year, Hung actually lost about $100,000. The time horizon for some of the contracts was much longer, with expiration dates into the following year. Hung, he said, held on to some of his contracts and ultimately lost money when the price of Clovis shares declined significantly a few months later. The spokesperson also said that someone trying to capitalize on nonpublic information could do so more efficiently by buying shares in a company rather than through a complicated series of options trades.

ProPublica described Hung’s options dealing in Clovis, without revealing his identity, to Dan Taylor, a professor at the Wharton School and a leading insider-trading expert. “The trades in question seem at best highly unethical and at worst they may be illegal,” Taylor said. “I would caution any and all executives from engaging in the behavior described here. There's significant legal jeopardy if that behavior was brought to the attention of regulators.”

Harry Sloan did not make his name in the health care industry. He came to prominence in Hollywood.

But in 2017 Sloan made a sizable bet on Juno Therapeutics, a Seattle-based biopharma company focused on cancer treatments.

Sloan had never personally invested in Juno before. There’s also no sign in his tax records, which span the years 1999 to 2019, that he purchased options to invest in other companies.

But on Dec. 14 and 15, 2017, he did both for the first time in ProPublica’s tax data. He bought more than a quarter-million dollars of Juno call options, a contract giving him the right to buy the stock at a specific price. The options were “out of the money,” meaning the price was well over what the stock was trading at at the time. The bet would pay off only if Juno stock jumped significantly.

Options, especially out-of-the-money options like the ones Sloan bought, are risky but can carry huge rewards. You can win big if the stock price rises above the purchase price set by the contract. If Amazon stock sells for $125 a share, an option to buy a share at $130 is worthless at the expiration date unless the market price jumps above $130. If Amazon stays at $125, you’ve spent money for nothing. But if it soars to $175 a share, you stand to make a lot from a small investment.

Sloan’s timing proved prescient. The public didn’t know it yet, but December 2017 was a hugely significant moment in Juno’s history. The company had been privately negotiating to sell itself to Celgene, a leader in the field of cancer treatments. On the same days that Sloan bought his options, Celgene significantly raised its offer and Juno agreed to be taken over.

When The Wall Street Journal broke the news of the imminent acquisition a month later, Juno’s share price skyrocketed from $46 a share to $69, its largest one-day increase ever, and Sloan quickly cashed in. He sold much of his first tranche of options for $677,000. In two decades of records, it was the largest sale he’d made in a security of a company where he hadn’t been an insider.

In all, he claimed more than $1.1 million in profit from his Juno trades, a 450% return on the cost of his options.

Of the 251 trading days in 2017, there were only a dozen other days where Sloan could have purchased options and seen the stock’s price increase as much as it ultimately did over the short period he held the bulk of his position.

Through a spokesperson, Sloan, who has been a prominent fundraiser for presidential candidates on both sides of the aisle, declined to answer questions from ProPublica, instead providing a brief statement: “Any insinuation of unethical or improper activity here is false, and contrary to the reputation Mr. Sloan has developed over the course of his lifetime.”

ProPublica provided an anonymized description of Sloan’s trades to a former SEC commissioner, two former SEC attorneys and two leading insider trading academics. All five said this sort of fact pattern could draw scrutiny from regulators because of how well-timed the trades were, and how anomalous compared to Sloan’s trades before and after.

"If you see out-of-the-money call options, no prior history of trading in that name, excellent timing and a large profit, generally yes, I would expect that to draw attention from regulators," former SEC Commissioner Allison Herren Lee said.

A remarkably timed trade may be even more suspicious, she said, if a trader had some sort of personal tie to the niche industry the company is in.

Though much of his career was in Hollywood — Sloan had been an entertainment lawyer and eventually became CEO of Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer — he is not without his connections to biotech and the subsector Juno was in. Sloan knew Arie Belldegrun, one of the leaders in the field of “CAR T-cell” therapy, a novel cancer treatment in which human cells are modified to attack cancer cells. It is the same niche that Juno specialized in. Sloan and Belldegrun were both active in art philanthropy, backing the same Los Angeles art museum at least as far back as 2013; Belldegrun’s wife co-hosted a VIP screening in 2011 for a movie produced by Sloan’s wife. And Sloan donated $3.2 million to Belldegrun’s lab at UCLA in 2017.

Belldegrun was previously CEO of Kite Pharma, a Juno competitor, before selling his company just months before Juno was acquired. Around the time that Sloan was investing in Juno call options, Belldegrun was starting a new CAR-T company. (Four years later, in 2021, Sloan helped take public a biological engineering firm called Ginkgo Bioworks. One of his partners in that venture was Belldegrun.)

There is no evidence that Sloan and Belldegrun ever discussed Juno. Belldegrun did not respond to repeated requests for comment.

Robert Stiller made his fortune off smoking paraphernalia and coffee. He helped launch E-Z Wider, rolling papers used for joints and cigarettes, before founding Green Mountain Coffee Roasters, the multibillion-dollar company that helped popularize K-Cup coffee pods. That role propelled him to business celebrity, as Forbes declared him “entrepreneur of the year” in 2001.

After Stiller left Green Mountain, he served as chairman of the board of AgNovos, a bone health startup. There, the board Stiller led hired a special adviser: Stephen MacMillan, an experienced medical technologies executive. By the end of 2013, MacMillan was named CEO of Hologic, another medical technology company, but he stayed on at AgNovos as a special adviser to Stiller.

Within a few months, Stiller began investing in Hologic for the first time — and aggressively.

On 33 days between March 2014 and January 2015, he bought a total of $9.8 million in call options in MacMillan’s company. Each was a win, netting him a combined $29 million in profit, almost a 300% return. Stiller’s tax records show no indication that he purchased options in companies other than Hologic and Green Mountain from 1999 to 2019.

The rise in Hologic’s share price was driven largely by revenue growth from its innovative line of mammogram devices, which are more effective than standard breast scans because they provide a three-dimensional view that helps reveal smaller tumors before they’ve grown. The company began reporting particularly strong growth from that product line in late April 2014, after Stiller’s first purchases. The excitement around the product grew from there, as the line continued to beat Wall Street’s revenue expectations and more studies affirmed its effectiveness. The company would have noticed orders picking up months before revenue numbers were announced, according to an industry expert who asked not to be named to avoid antagonizing industry contacts.

Stiller began buying call options in early March.

Reached by phone, Stiller said he invested in Hologic because he had confidence in MacMillan, but said MacMillan never shared detailed information about the company’s inner workings with him. “I would ask him, ‘How are things going?’ and he’d say, ‘Good,’” Stiller said. (MacMillan did not respond to requests for comment.)

Stiller said he thought he had purchased options in other companies during that period as well, but couldn’t name examples. He said he might have also bought shares of Hologic in addition to options, though he didn’t know when.

He acknowledged that buying call options in a company run by someone he knew, before it announced good news, “might not look good” and said that in retrospect he might have refrained. “I always have acted under the highest ethical shit, and I understand insider trading, and I would never do it, and I would never ask anybody else to do it,” Stiller said. “It’s just not in my DNA.”

Even by Stiller’s account of his discussions with MacMillan, his trades risked running afoul of the law. ProPublica described Stiller’s trades, without identifying him, to Chip Loewenson, a longtime white-collar defense attorney who has handled insider trading cases.

“What you described sounds like it could be insider trading,” Loewenson said. “Even if you take his word for it, that all he asked is how it’s going, and he says it’s going well, that could be material nonpublic information.” As Loewenson described it, a one-word answer about how a company is faring could be polite chitchat — or it could carry meaning. “Is that something a reasonable investor would want to know? If you think you're getting an honest answer, yes.”

In 2018, Jim Mullen, a veteran biopharma executive who previously was CEO of biotech powerhouse Biogen and chairman of the Biotechnology Innovation Organization, became chairman of the board of Editas Medicine, a firm based in Cambridge, Massachusetts, that uses gene editing techniques to treat rare diseases. (Mullen stepped down earlier this month after his term ended.) The publicly traded company collaborates with Celgene to use its technology to develop cancer therapies.

Mullen’s tax records show he had unsuccessfully traded in and out of Celgene before in relatively small amounts, but on Dec. 18, 2018, he made his biggest purchase ever of the company’s shares: $73,000 worth, almost as much as all his other past purchases combined.

His timing was excellent.

Celgene was at the time in secret negotiations to be acquired by pharma giant Bristol Myers Squibb. The day before Mullen bought the shares, Celgene had expanded the circle of people who knew about the takeover talks. According to subsequent SEC filings, Celgene informed an unidentified pharma company about the potential acquisition in hopes of soliciting a higher competing bid. The action also raised the risk that the secret talks might leak. (The company that was approached, which would have had to be orders of magnitude bigger than Editas to consider buying Celgene, declined to make a competing offer.)

The next day — the same day Mullen bought shares in Celgene — Celgene’s executive committee decided to move forward with Bristol Myers.

Two weeks after Mullen’s purchase, the deal was announced, sending Celgene’s shares soaring, and ultimately earning Mullen $46,000 in profit and a return of more than 60%.

Mullen and Editas did not respond to requests for comment.

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'Worst' Trump-appointed judge set to oversee $1.8 billion dollar case that could bankrupt Planned Parenthood

One of the "worst" Trump-appointed judges is set to oversee a case involving a $1.8 billion dollar lawsuit against Planned Parenthood, according to VOX.

In the report, VOX's Ian Millhiser offered a brief overview of Kacsmaryk's history of ruling on abortion-related cases.

"A longtime opponent of abortion, birth control, and homosexuality, Kacsmaryk has handed down decisions attacking the right to birth control and attempting to nullify the federal ban on LGBTQ discrimination by health providers," Millhiser wrote. "His opinion trying to ban mifepristone faulted the FDA for failing to consider a 'study' which found that 77 percent of women who submitted anonymous blog posts to a website called 'Abortion Changes You' reported a 'negative change.'”

READ MORE: 'She knows what she’s doing': Democrat likens Marjorie Taylor Greene attack to 'why Emmett Till was killed'

Millhiser also challenged Kacsmaryk's distortion of the laws.

"Kacsmaryk seems to be uniquely incapable of distinguishing what the law actually says from what he wishes that it says," Millhiser wrote. "And now he will hear an attack on Planned Parenthood that only gets more ridiculous the deeper one digs into the Doe case."

Per the news outlet, "The case, known as Doe v. Planned Parenthood, alleges that Planned Parenthood and its affiliates in Texas and Louisiana engaged in a years-long scheme to defraud those states’ Medicaid systems."

Millhiser went on to explain how the lawsuit's damages were calculated, totaling a staggering $1.8 billion.

"When you add up the money the reproductive health provider allegedly owes, plus the various fines and penalties they could be hit with, Planned Parenthood estimates that they could be ordered to pay as much as $1.8 billion, more than enough to bankrupt Planned Parenthood Federation of America — the national organization that unites Planned Parenthood’s local affiliates — and wipe out its affiliates in Texas and Louisiana," he explained.

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Millhiser argued that the lawsuit lacks merit as he explained why "no sensible judge" would entertain the case.

"No sensible judge would hold that a litigant can be bankrupted because it acted consistently with a federal court order while that order was in effect," he But this case is being heard by Matthew Kacsmaryk, who’s spent his brief time on the bench acting as a rubber stamp for virtually any conservative litigant who comes to him seeking a court order."

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Florida AG — wife of a DEA agent — accused of 'not standing with the people' as she vows to fight legal pot

Florida Attorney General Ashley Moody, the wife of a Drug Enforcement Administration special agent, is being accused of “not standing with the people” after she vowed last week to fight a proposal to legalize recreational marijuana in the state, Politico reports.

The group Smart & Safe Florida, which is spearheading the ballot initiative to legalize recreational marijuana for adults in the Sunshine State, currently has 786,747 signatures for its ballot question. As the Washington Examiner reports, “to get the ballot question before voters, it will need to receive a number of signatures equal to that of eight percent of the votes cast in the last presidential election, which is equal to more than 885,000 people.”

According to Politico the measure "still needs to get an all-clear from the Florida Supreme Court" in order to go before Florida voters. At least 60 percent of Florida voters would have to vote for legal weed in order to make it law.

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But if Moody has her way, the question of legal weed won’t even make it on the ballot in Florida. Last week, Moody filed an petition with the Florida Supreme Court saying “she would argue that the proposed ballot summary of the amendment is misleading,” Politico reports.

In her letter to the Court, Moody requested an opinion “as to whether the proposed amendment ‘Adult Personal Use of Marijuana’ complies with the single-subject requirement” of the Florida Constitution and “technical requirements in section 101.161(1)” of the Florida Statutes. That statute dictates constitutional amendments “be printed in clear and unambiguous language” and “not exceeding 75 words in length,” among other requirements.

"I believe that the proposed amendment fails to meet the requirements of Section 101.161(1), Fla. Stat., and will present an additional argument through briefing at the appropriate time," Moody said in the letter.

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In a statement, Smart & Safe Florida said it “respectfully disagrees” with Moody’s challenge.

“We believe the ballot language,” Steve Vancore, a spokesperson for the medical marijuana company Trulieve, told Politico. Trulieve, which is bankrolling Smart & Safe Florida, “[expects] a positive ruling” from the state supreme court, Vancore said.

Critics of the attorney general spoke out against her decision to challenge the language of the initiative.

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“Once again our Attorney General is on the wrong side of history, wrong side of this issue and is not standing with the people." Florida Democratic Party chair Nikki Fried, a former Florida agriculture commissioner, told Politico. "Another attack on our democracy."

For Fred Grimm, a Fort Lauderdale journalist, there’s a clear driving force behind Moody’s fight against legal marijuana: 2024.

“Republicans don’t want pot as a running mate to Joe Biden on the Florida ballot,” Grimm wrote last Friday. “Because marijuana can do what Joe Biden can’t — rouse the apathetic wing of the Democratic Party.”

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“The GOP’s faux populists know ballot questions like these would have coattails long enough to blow up an election,” he added.

'Stop trampling on women’s rights': Twitter users react to anti-abortion bills’ brutal defeats in red states

In two deep red states, South Carolina and Nebraska, draconian anti-abortion proposals were blocked in state legislatures on Thursday, April 27.

In the GOP-controlled South Carolina State Senate, a bill that would have banned almost all abortions was defeated. And in the Nebraska State Legislature, a vote to end debate on a proposed six-week abortion ban and let the bill proceed failed by a single vote.

Jo Giles, director of the Women's Fund of Nebraska, was pleasantly surprised and was quoted by the Associated Press (AP) as saying, "Wow! This was unexpected, but we're so glad to have this win. We have fought so hard. This bill is not what the majority of women in this state wanted."

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Twitter has been full of reactions, and many users have commented that the bills didn't run into problems in swing states or purple states but in deep red states.

Right-wing firebrand author Ann Coulter is anti-abortion but believes that post-Roe v. Wade, abortion restrictions are going too far and hurting the Republican Party. In response to the news from South Carolina and Nebraska, Coulter tweeted, "Two Republican legislatures failed to pass abortion restrictions this week - South Carolina (near total ban) and Nebraska (6-week ban). Currently, both states allow abortions up to TWENTY-TWO WEEKS. Why not go with a 15-week ban and win???"

John Iadarola of "The Young Turks" described the fate of the South Carolina and Nebraska bills as "a reminder that the GOP's position on reproductive rights is wildly unpopular even in red states."

Twitter user Toni Webb, @GoCubaStudents, "Republicans should stop trampling on women's rights, whether they agree with abortion or not. Republicans guaranteed a Blue Tsunami in 2024 when they blocked ratification of the ERA this week."

READ MORE: Ron DeSantis signs six-week abortion ban into law

@Bennydiego posted, "Abortion bans in deeply conservative Nebraska and South Carolina both fell short of advancing in close legislative votes amid heated debates among Republicans, yet another sign that abortion is becoming a difficult issue for the GOP."

CAP Action tweeted, "This is a major win in the battle against MAGA Republicans’ extreme abortion bans — but the fight continues." And the Global Justice Center posted, "Local resistance against these horrific abortion bans is both inspiring and instructive for all of us fighting for a world that respects our fundamental human right to bodily autonomy. Solidarity to everyone fighting for their communities.

Buzz Machine's Jeff Jarvis, @jeffjarvis, described South Carolina and Nebraska as "political cynicism yields to political pragmatism."

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