'Christian nationalism' is a dangerous perversion of both religion and politics: conservative

'Christian nationalism' is a dangerous perversion of both religion and politics: conservative
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When the Rev. Jerry Falwell Sr.'s Moral Majority and the Rev. Pat Robertson's Christian Broadcasting Network (CBN) were becoming increasingly influential in the Republican Party in the early 1980s, two of their most outspoken critics were liberal television producer Norman Lear and conservative Sen. Barry Goldwater (R-Arizona).

Lear founded People for the American Way in 1980 to fight the Religious Right's agenda. But Lear (famous for edgy 1970s sitcoms like "All in the Family," "The Jefferson," "Sanford and Son" and "Maude") made it abundantly clear that his organization wasn't anti-religion; rather, he was pushing back against an extremist form of Christianity — and Lear welcomed the participation of priests, pastors and rabbis.

Forty-four years after People for the American Way was founded, the Religious Right still has a stranglehold on the GOP — which director/activist Rob Reiner (who played Archie Bunker's son-in-law Mike Stivic, a.k.a. Meathead, on Lear's "All in the Family") addresses in his new film, "God and Country."

READ MORE: Mike Johnson wants Dems to condemn James Carville for comparing 'Christian nationalism' to al-Qaeda

In a biting New York Times opinion column published on February 25, Never Trump conservative David French emphasizes that it's important to make a distinction between far-right Christian nationalism and Christians who reject that ideology.

"If you're alarmed by the rise of Christian nationalism," French cautions, "the single worst thing you can do is define it too broadly…. To understand what Christian nationalism is, it's important to understand what it is not. It is not Christian nationalism if a person's political values are shaped by the individual's Christian faith."

The conservative columnist elaborates, "In fact, many of America's most important social movements have been infused with Christian theology and Christian activism. Many of our nation's abolitionists thundered their condemnations of slavery from northern pulpits. The civil rights movement wasn't exclusively Christian by any means, but it was pervasively Christian — Martin Luther King Jr. was, of course, a Baptist minister."

French points out that the "problem with Christian nationalism isn't with Christian participation in politics," but rather, its "belief that there should be Christian primacy in politics and law."

READ MORE: Rob Reiner: Trump embodies the 'fascism' Norman Lear devoted his life to defeating

According to French, Christian nationalism "isn't just rooted in ideology," but is "also deeply rooted in identity" and a "belief that Christians should rule."

"This is the heart of the Seven Mountain Mandate, a dominionist movement emerging from American Pentecostalism that is, put bluntly, Christian identity politics on steroids," French warns. "Paula White, Donald Trump's closest spiritual adviser, is an adherent, and so is the chief justice of the Alabama Supreme Court, Tom Parker, who wrote a concurring opinion in the Court's recent IVF decision. The movement holds that Christians are called to rule seven key societal institutions: the family, the church, education, the media, the arts, business and the government."

French adds, "One doesn’t have to go all the way into Seven Mountain theology, though, to find examples of Christian identity politics."

READ MORE: 'Right-wing psychos': Inside Trump’s plan to 'infuse Christian nationalist ideas' in his 2.0 agenda

David French's full New York Times opinion column is available at this link (subscription required).



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